Video Felipe Neto Apologized To Dilma Rousseff After Supporting Coup – Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva gives a speech to the unions in Praça Charles Muller, São Paulo, on International Workers’ Day, May 1, 2022.
The style we assign to a life story has a lot to do with how it ends. The life of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has already completed many dramatic arcs. First, the hero’s journey: a child born in poverty, moves to the big city, rises to head a union, and then becomes the most popular president in modern Brazilian history. Tragedy ensues: a prominent statesman becomes embroiled in a horrific corruption scheme, is sent to prison, and is forced to watch from the sidelines as rivals destroy his legacy.
Video Felipe Neto Apologized To Dilma Rousseff After Supporting Coup
However, the ducks don’t seem to be holding back. In April 2021, Brazil’s Supreme Court overturned the corruption convictions that banned Lula – as he is commonly known – from politics in 2018, saying a judge in his case had upheld his right to violated a fair trial. The bombshell decision set Brazil on course for a showdown between leftist Lula and right-wing incumbent Jair Bolsonaro in October 2022 elections. Polls now show the challenger at 45% and the incumbent at 31%, with more centrist candidates running. out of the way
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For Lula, who is 76 and preparing for a quieter life away from power, this new twist in his story came as a surprise. But he did not hesitate to return to the politics of the front. “Actually, I’ve never given up,” he says in his famous husky voice, gray with age. “Politics is in every cell of my body because I have a reason. And in the 12 years since I left office, I see that all the policies that I have implemented for the benefit of the poor have failed.
It’s late March, six weeks before Lula launches his campaign, and he’s sitting in a studio at the São Paulo headquarters of his Workers’ Party (PT). Laughing and confident that no one knows how to design a comfortable chair these days, he comes across as a doting grandfather. But when he talks about the current government, his back stiffens and his voice takes on a deep, husky tone. Lula becomes the fiery young union leader he was in the 1970s, starting a soap opera.
The Brazilian dream that Lula pursued during his presidency from 2003 to 2010, he says. Through progressive social programs, fueled by the boom in Brazilian commodities such as steel, soybeans and oil, Lula’s government lifted millions out of poverty and transformed the lives of the country’s majority Black and indigenous minorities. Bolsonaro has hammered away at all of these, policies that expand poor people’s access to education, police brutality against black communities, and the protection of indigenous lands and the Amazon rainforest. COVID-19 has killed at least 660,000 Brazilians. The number, the second-highest in the world, was likely inflated by Bolsonaro, who called the virus “a little flu”, called people who followed isolation guidelines “stupid”, and denied even a vaccine and cases that Buy from Brazil. when they first became available. A national survey from December 2020 revealed that more than 55% of Brazilians live in food insecurity, up from 23% in 2013.
Even Brazil’s new democracy feels less than secure. Bolsonaro, a defender of the nation’s 20th-century military dictatorship, has called for mass rallies against judges who offend him and attacked critical journalists. He also warned for months about electoral fraud in Brazil, as well as President Donald Trump’s behavior during the 2020 US elections. In April, he suggested that the election might be “suspended” if “something abnormal happens”. If he loses, analysts warn, a Brazilian version of a January 6 riot is likely. If he wins, Brazil’s institutions may not be able to withstand four more years of his rule.
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Lula claims she can save Brazil from that nightmare, riding like a white knight from her political exile. But it can no longer be the same country that he used to rule. The economy is reeling from the pandemic, with double-digit inflation and no growth on the horizon. The six-year political crisis has sharply divided society. The geopolitical points that once surrounded Brazil have widened and the West is in a new hot-cold war with Russia.
However, Lula believes that lightning will strike twice. “In American football, there’s a player — as it turns out he ended up with a Brazilian model,” he says, referring to Tom Brady and his wife Gisele Bündchen. “He’s been the best player in the world for a long time, but every game his fans demand that he play better than before. For me, it’s the same with leadership. I’m just because I’m better than before. I already did.”
Lula, who will be a candidate for the presidential elections in October, is participating in the trade unions’ event on World Workers’ Day in Sao Paulo.
The audience waited for hours. The children huddled quietly on white plastic chairs with their parents under a tent to avoid the scorching midday sun. Many wear red T-shirts with the logo of the Homeless Workers Movement (MTST), which fights for public housing and organized the rally in a parking lot in a working-class suburb of São Paulo. “It’s been a long time,” Lula finally begins to sing her name, “I’ve missed the microphone.”
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Neighborhoods like this are Lula’s home. When he was 7 years old, in 1952, his mother brought him and his seven siblings from the desert-like northeast of Brazil to São Paulo for two weeks in the bed of an open truck. They lived in the back room of a bar, and Lula dropped out of school at age 12 to help them. At the age of 17 he was making door handles in a factory, and one night he lost his left leg in a car. At the age of 23, Lula married a neighbor, Maria de Lourdes. But she died two years later of a hepatitis infection while eight months pregnant with her first son, who also died—a victim, Lula would later say, of the low-quality health care provided to Brazil’s poor. make a. A few years later, in 1975, he was elected president of the Steel Workers Union of São Bernardo do Campo, a district of São Paulo, a few kilometers from the site of this rally.
Most people in Brazil know the story, which was immortalized in a 2009 soap opera, Lula, Son of Brazil. “Lula’s stature has very strong mythic qualities for anyone fighting for social justice in Brazil,” says Guilherme Boulos, 39, coordinator of MTST, which is often considered Lula’s political legacy. “But he himself is not a distant and solemn person. He still speaks the language of the people.” Lula says the secret to his success lies in his ability to connect with working-class Brazilians — an unusual feat in a country where politicians are prone to milk price gaffes. a university degree is more qualified than the Brazilian elite to run this country,” he says. “Because the art of government is to use your heart, not just your head.”
Bolsonaro, a former army captain devoted to the “he says what he really thinks” style of politics, may agree on the importance of connecting emotionally with voters. But Lula’s populism hides a sharp pragmatism that has allowed him to navigate Brazil’s turbulent political waters. As president, Lula continued the fiscal conservatism of his center-right predecessor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, focusing on Brazil’s agreements with the International Monetary Fund and appeasing investors. At the same time, his flagship Bolsa Familia program increased the incomes of poor families, while other policies expanded access to education and health care. “If I can tell you that I have a daughter with a law degree, it’s because of the programs created by the Lula government,” Mel Nogueira, 39, says at a rally in São Paulo. “It represents hope itself.” In 2009, two years before Lula left office with an 83% approval rating, President Barack Obama called him “the most popular politician on earth.”
Then everything fell apart. In 2014, Brazilian investigators uncovered a massive contracting scheme centered on state oil giant Petrobras, involving billions in public funds. The investigation was called Car Wash. Lula was no longer in office, but opposition parties in Congress used anger over the scandal and the economic crisis in Brazil to impeach their PT leader, Dilma Rousseff. She wasn’t directly involved in the Car Wash, but lawmakers voted her out and replaced her with a right-wing interim president on the grounds that the number would make public accounts look better for the election. Two weeks later, prosecutors alleged that Lula was the “mastermind” of the robbery plot. The official accusation was that he received an apartment on the beach as a bribe from a construction company. Lula denied ever owning the property, but in 2017 federal judge Sergio Moro sentenced him to nearly 10 years in prison.
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From behind bars
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